出身公關世家，為川普帶來希望的競選團隊第一位女性：Hope Hicks
One day you’re just a smiley PR lackey； the next， you’re a major operative in the nuttiest campaign in decades。 Such is the strange year in the life of Hope Hicks， the 27-year-old accidental press secretary for Donald Trump。 How did she get here？ And how much longer can she last？
昨天你還只是一名笑臉相迎的公關犬，轉眼間今天就成了幾十年來最瘋狂的政治競選活動的主要工 作人員。這就是霍普·海克斯生命中奇怪的一年，一位27歲意外出任唐納德·川普競選團隊的新聞秘 書。那麼她是如何走到這一步的？她還能堅持多久呢？
From the antechamber to Donald Trump‘s office on the 26th floor of Trump Tower， I was fetched by Hope Hicks。 She was apologetic for the wait and a little nervous about what I’d come to discuss—namely， her。
在紐約川普大廈前廳，前來接待的霍普陪同我一起來到26層唐納德·川普辦公室。她對我的等候感 到抱歉，對於我討論的內容—也就是她，有一點緊張。
The 27-year-old press secretary was clad in a teal dress， and she dug her stilettos into the colorless carpet as she showed me into the office， a room festooned with enough Trump memorabilia to suggest a serial killer‘s shrine。 There before me sat Trump himself， behind his giant desk， upon which there was nothing resembling a computer， a PalmPilot， or even an Etch A Sketch。
這位27歲的新聞秘書身著一件藍綠色的裙子，當她帶我進入川普辦公室時，她的高跟鞋隱沒在了 無色的地毯中（霍普的高跟鞋應該跟地毯顏色類似）。這是一間擺滿了充足的川普紀念品的房間，足 以讓人聯想到連環殺手的聖地。在我面前是川普本人，他坐在他那張巨型書桌後面，書桌上沒有類 似電腦的物件，別說PalmPilot，甚至連Etch A Sketch都沒有。（注：PalmPilot與Etch A Sketch 都是上世紀的帶顯示器的電子產品，Etch A Sketch年代更為久遠。）
“Oh，” Trump said， flashing his notorious disdain for handshakes as I extended my arm。 He stood and reached， Martian-like， for my hand， as if the ritual were not the habit of businessmen or politicians。 Hicks， meanwhile， settled into a $5，000 red velvet Knoll lounge chair。 She affixed a smile to her face， and then said nothing more to me。 As if speaking were not the habit of a spokesperson。 But then， Hicks—who never appears on TV and rarely talks to reporters—resembles a traditional political spokesperson about as much as Trump resembles Mister Rogers。
當我伸出我的手臂時，川普吱了一聲，“哦，”臉上浮現他那臭名昭著的鄙視神情。他站了起來， 向我走來並與我握手。就我的手知覺來說，他簡直就像個火星人，好像握手儀式不是商人或政客習 慣似得。與此同時，海克斯坐在一張價值五千美元的紅色天鵝絨Knoll牌躺椅上。她的臉上掛著一 絲微笑，此後便再也沒有跟我說過話，好像說話不是發言人的習慣似得 。那時候的海克斯從來沒 在電視上出現過，也很少跟記者交談，她跟傳統政治發言人相似度與川普跟Rogers先生相似度一 樣多。
Hicks is a product not of Washington but of the Trump Organization， a marble-walled universe where one’s delightful agreeability and ferocious loyalty are worth more than conventional experience。 She is a hugger and a people pleaser， with long brown hair and green eyes， a young woman of distinctly all-American flavor—the sort that inspires Tom Petty songs， not riots。 And yet Hicks has， almost by accident， helped architect the strangest and least polite campaign in modern American history。
海克斯的作風不是來自於華盛頓D。C而是來自於川普集團，一個由大理石牆壁包圍著的世界，在這 裡宜人的一致性與極致的忠誠度比傳統的經驗更有價值。她是一個擁抱者，一個討人喜歡的人，有 著一頭長長的棕色秀髮、一雙綠色的眼睛，一位明顯具有美國韻味的年輕女人—這種韻味激發了 Tom Petty歌曲創作的靈感，一個情感內斂含蓄的人。然而海克斯，幾乎是偶然的，協助發起了這 場美國現代歷史上最奇怪最粗魯的競選活動。
I wanted Hicks to help me understand just how all this had come to pass， how a person who‘d never worked in politics had nonetheless become the most improbably important operative in this election。 But she declined my request to talk。 Instead， she arranged something more surreal： I could talk about her with Donald Trump， in front of her。
我想讓海克斯幫我理解過去的這一切是怎麼發生的，一位從沒有在政治領域有一天工作經驗的人是 如何在這次選舉中成為最不可思議最重要的工作人員的（這裡指得就是之前毫無政治經驗的海克 斯）。但她拒絕了我的談話請求。相反，她安排了一些更為稀奇的事：我可以當著她的面跟她聊聊 唐納德·川普的事。
Trump， of course， has little experience with subjects other than Trump， which he made clear when I asked him about Hicks’s quick ascent to his inner circle。 “Bill O‘Reilly last night said it is the greatest political event in his lifetime，” Trump said， exaggerating O’Reilly‘s point。 “The most incredible political event in his lifetime！ That’s pretty big。 You know， who knew this was going to happen？ So…” He pivoted， reluctantly， to the topic at hand。 “Hope‘s been involved from the beginning， and she has been absolutely terrific。”
川普，當然了，她對除川普之外的其他話題幾乎沒什麼經驗。當我問他關於海克斯快速上升至他的 內部圈子時，他就清楚地表明瞭這一點。“昨晚Bill O’Reilly說這是他一生中最偉大的政治事 件，”川普如此說道，接著誇大了Bill O‘Reilly的意思。“他一生中最不可思議的政治事件！那是 非常大的。你知道的，又有誰知道這一切會發生呢？所以……”他停頓了一下，接著很勉強得轉移 到了身邊的話題。“霍普從一開始就參與了這次競選，並且她做得絕對棒極了。”
Hicks’s job—a sui generis role of outsize importance that she half invents on the fly—involves keeping the media at bay and operating as Trump‘s chief gatekeeper。 But she’s also summoned in critical moments of confusion to play instigator and score-settler。 It was her job to facilitate Trump‘s rebuke of the Pope after His Holiness questioned the Christianity of anybody who would build a border wall （kind of Trump’s thing）。 And it was she who helped malign a female reporter who‘d been manhandled by Trump’s campaign manager， immediately claiming she was a lying attention hound。 Hicks was also called on this spring to explain why Trump， over the course of three days， advocated four positions on abortion。 She tried without success to quell the confusion， declaring， finally， that President Trump would end abortion， simple as that： “He will change the law through his judicial appointments and allow the states to protect the unborn。”
海克斯的工作—一個特別重要獨特的角色，她一半時間是在飛機上度過的—不讓媒體接近川普、 作為川普首席媒體把關者。但是她也在混亂的關鍵時刻被召喚去扮演煽動者與記分者的角色。在教 皇陛下質疑任何願意建造邊境城牆（那種川普的事業）的基督徒之後，促進川普對教皇的指責是她工 作的一部分。她幫助汙衊一位女性記者，該人曾被川普競選經理科裡·萊萬多夫斯基粗魯地對待， 立即聲稱此人是一位想引起注意力的撒謊獵犬。海克斯今年春天也被要求解釋為什麼川普在過去的 三天時間裡主張了四個墮胎問題的立場。她試圖但沒有成功平息混亂，最後宣告川普總統將會結束 墮胎，簡單宣告如下：“他將透過司法任命來改變法律，並且允許各州保護未出生的嬰兒。”
Still， for all the grenades Hicks has to both jump on and lob， it‘s a more quotidian skill set that seems to impress the boss。 “If you see her phone going”—he raised both hands and mimicked Hicks answering several devices—“ ‘This is Hope。 This is Hope。 This is Hope。’ ” He hung up the make-believe phones。 “She gets a call a minute， probably，” he said， seemingly pleased with this antiquated barometer of his own popularity。
然而，對於所有的手榴彈而言，海克斯都必須既要撲上去還要扣殺過去，這是一個似乎給老闆留下 深刻印象的更普通技能組合。“如果你看見她電話響了” —他舉起雙手，模仿海克斯回答數個電 話—“‘我是霍普。我是霍普。我是霍普。’”他掛了假裝的電話。“她一分鐘接一個電話，可能 吧，”他說道，看起來似乎對衡量他自己流行度的過時的晴雨表（指得就是來電頻率）很高興。
If Hicks is not much like a conventional press secretary， well， that’s all the better for Trump， who hasn‘t ever wanted one。 “He’s always been good at being his own spokesman，” Howard Rubenstein， the New York publicist who represented Trump in times of tumult， told me。 （Rubenstein might have been speaking literally。 In the ‘80s and ’90s， Trump reportedly employed flacks called “John Barron” and “John Miller，” spokespeople who‘d phone reporters， sounding suspiciously like Trump。）
如果海克斯不太像傳統的新聞秘書，那好吧，那對川普來說就更好了，他從未想要傳統新聞秘 書。“他當自己的發言人很在行，” 在動盪時代曾代表川普的紐約時事評論員Howard Rubenstein告訴我。（Rubenstein可能按照字面意思這麼說。在八十與九十年代，據說川普僱傭的 宣傳員叫“約翰·巴倫”和“約翰·米勒”，發言人打電話給記者們，聲音聽起來懷疑就是川普本 人。）
Of course， a central component of Trump’s appeal is his lack of political experience， which he advertises as proof that once in office， he will do things differently， and better。 Similarly， Hicks， a registered but dispassionate Republican since 2008， had never so much as volunteered on a campaign。 So I asked Trump if he viewed her outsider status as an asset， much as he did his。 “No， I don‘t think there’s a benefit to that，” he said flatly and frankly， “but she was able to build political experience quickly。 She was very natural。 She was very natural when it comes to picking it up， and a lot of people can‘t pick it up， because it’s so fast-moving。 It‘s faster-moving than anything else。 You know， for real estate， you have two days to get back。 This thing”—by which he meant campaigning to lead the free world—“you have， like， four seconds before the story goes blasting out。”
當然了，川普對選民的吸引力的一個重要組成部分是他缺少政治經驗，這一點可從他的宣傳得到證 明：他說一旦上任，將會做一些不同尋常並且更好的事。海克斯，一位自2008年以來註冊但不熱 情的共和黨，甚至從來沒有志願參與過一場競選活動。所以我問川普是否把她的局外人身份視為一 種資產，就像他對他自己做得那樣。“不，我並不認為這對我的競選有什麼好處，”他回答得很乾 脆很坦誠，“但是她能很快的就積累起政治經驗。她與生俱來這種能力。當涉及政治領域時，她天 生就會，但許多人學不會，因為事物發展如此迅速，比任何東西都要快。你知道的，對房地產這行 來說，你有兩天時間來應對。這種事”—他指的是領導自由世界的競選運動“在故事爆發前你有， 比如四秒鐘的時間。”
As Trump prattled on about the crazy-making swiftness of it all， it wasn’t hard to imagine the idea resonating with Hicks， now blushing。 The speed with which your whole life can spin—it has to be disorienting。 I looked at Hicks， trying to ascertain a reaction， but her face was buried in her hand。 And it was clear， just then， that to wonder what Hicks has gotten herself into is to wonder something similar about ourselves。
當川普就瘋狂的做這一切的速度閒扯個沒完的時候，並不難想象這個想法在海克斯心中產生共鳴， 她現在肯定臉紅了吧。伴隨著你的整個人生可能快速旋轉的速度—肯定是暈暈乎乎的。我看了眼海 克斯，試圖弄清她的反應，但是她的臉深深地埋在手裡。這就很明顯了，就在那時候，好奇海克斯 行為異常就是好奇關於我們自身的類似的事情。
Hicks‘s big job in politics started—not that long ago—with a comparatively tiny gig in Trump Tower。 In 2012， two years after she’d graduated from Southern Methodist， Hicks was working for a New York PR shop when she was dispatched to help one of the firm‘s major clients： Ivanka Trump。
海克斯在政治領域的大展才華開始於—那並不是很久以前—在川普大廈相對輕微的工作。2012 年，在她從南方衛理公會大學畢業的2年後，海克斯為一家紐約公關公司工作，那時候她被派去幫 助伊萬卡·川普：該公司的主要客戶之一。
At the time， Trump’s daughter was expanding her fashion line， and Hicks was enlisted to pitch in—and even do a bit of modeling， appearing online in a practical mint-colored dress， black clutch， and heels， all from the Ivanka Trump collection。
當時，伊萬卡正在擴大她的時尚產品線，海克斯被應募參與進來—甚至做一些模特兒造型的活，以 身著一件注重實際的薄荷色連衣裙，手上拿著黑色手提包，腳踩一雙高跟鞋的造型展示在網上，這 一切都來自伊萬卡·川普收藏集。
Hicks grew close to Ivanka and began dressing like the heiress， who seemed worthy of the emulation。 Ivanka was that rare female corporate leader who is also kind to other women， and she affected an air of competence that seemed to temper the boorishness of the Trump brand。 Conveniently， as Hicks ingratiated herself to Ivanka， she won over The Donald as well—helped by the eager-to-please disposition she‘d displayed since childhood。
海克斯與伊萬卡的關係變得親密起來，她開始穿衣打扮得像個女繼承人，這看起來是個值得的效仿 物件。伊萬卡是罕見的公司女性領導，她對公司其他女性也很和藹可親，她影響了一股似乎緩和粗 野的川普品牌能力的氛圍。正如海克斯迎合伊萬卡一樣，順便她也贏得了川普的支援—這得益於她 從童年時所展示的熱心於取悅他人的性格。
In Greenwich， Connecticut， as a kid， she was an athlete and a model who—after appearing in a Ralph Lauren ad—told a local magazine she intended to be an actress。 By high school she was swimming， rowing， and captaining the lacrosse team。 （She’d go on to play on SMU‘s club team。） Kylie Burchell， Hicks’s lacrosse coach， recalled her as one of the only players to abide by a no-alcohol policy。 “I think the girls were annoyed at her a little bit，” she said。 “She was trying to be a leader。 She was showing by example what to do。” She wasn’t always so earnest， however。 In her senior yearbook， she mistakenly attributed the words of Eleanor Roosevelt—“The future belongs to those who believe in the power of their dreams”—to Jimmy Buffett。
她在康涅狄格州的格林威治鎮長大，小時候就是一位運動員與一位模特—出現在拉爾夫·勞倫廣告 後—她告訴當地雜誌她打算成為一名演員。高中時，她參與游泳、划船運動，還是長曲棍球隊隊 長。（她將繼續在南方衛理公會大學俱樂部打球） 海克斯的長曲棍球隊的教練Kylie Burchell回憶時 說她是隊裡唯一一位遵守禁酒令的球員。“我想女孩們對她有點惱火，”她說。“她想成為一位領 導並以身作則。”然而她並不總是那麼認真。在她的高中年鑑冊上，她錯誤地認為埃利諾·羅斯福 的名言—“未來屬於那些相信自己夢想力量的人”—出自於吉米·巴菲特。
That Hicks， a pretty young lady from a tony town， would gravitate toward PR after college might have seemed obvious。 Warranted or not， the PR Girl has become a kind of stereotype—the land-bound stewardess of the aughts。 A profession thought to require little more than the ability to walk in a pair of Louboutins and harass people via e-mail。 But the sorority-girl caricature wasn‘t what Hicks had in mind， or in her pedigree。 In addition to her father， Paul， who directed PR at the NFL and now works for the D。C。 power firm Glover Park Group， both of Hicks’s grandfathers worked in public relations。
海克斯，這位來自時尚小鎮的年輕漂亮女士，傾向於公關的意願在大學畢業後可能看起來就很明顯 了。不管相信與否，這位公關女孩已經形成了一種刻板印象—新千年頭十年被束縛在地面上的空 姐。幹公關這一行所需要的專業想法比穿著一雙Louboutins鞋、透過電子郵件騷然別人的能力高 不了多少。但在海克斯的心目中並不存在女孩聯誼會的諷刺畫形象，她的血統中也不存在。海克斯 的父親保羅·海克斯曾是全美橄欖球聯盟的公關主任，現在為華盛頓特區權力公司Glover Park Group工作，除此之外，海克斯的爺爺與外公都在公共關係領域工作過。
After meeting Matthew Hiltzik， a New York PR shark， in 2011， Hicks landed a job at his firm。 It was here that she began working with Ivanka， putting her in the orbit of The Donald， who was quickly impressed。 “I thought Hope was outstanding，” Trump told me， recalling his decision to tell Hiltzik that he was poaching Hicks to work for him。 In Trump‘s telling， Hiltzik was powerless to deny him what he wanted。 “I wouldn’t say he was thrilled，” Trump told me， “but， you know， we give him a lot of business。” （Hiltzik says the parting was amicable all around。）
Matthew Hiltzik是紐約公關界的鯊魚，2011年，海克斯在與他會談後，她在他的公司找到了一份 工作。正是在這裡，她開始與伊萬卡工作，這把她放置於唐納德·川普的事業軌道上來，並很快地 給川普留下了深刻的印象。“我認為霍普非常出色，”川普告訴我，回憶起他當時做出的決定：他 告訴Hiltzik他要挖角海克斯為他工作。在川普的敘述中，Hiltzik是無力拒絕他的要求的。“我不會 說當時的他對此很興奮，” 川普告訴我，“但是你知道的，我們給了他大量的生意。” （Hiltzik說 海克斯在和睦的氣氛中離開。）
So Hicks joined the team at Trump Tower in October 2014， without any idea her new boss intended to become president。 Or that she had just signed on to his campaign。
於是2014年10月海克斯在川普大廈入職了，當時她並沒有想到她的新老闆會有成為總統的意圖。 要不然就是她剛簽署了一份為他的競選工作的協議。
One day in late January of last year， Hicks was summoned to Trump‘s office。 There she found Michael Cohen， Trump’s ball-busting attorney， and Sam Nunberg， a nervy political adviser and protégé of Trump confidant Roger Stone。 On the speakerphone was Corey Lewandowski， a journeyman operative whom Trump had just hired for a purpose unclear to Hicks。
去年1月的一天，海克斯被召喚到川普的辦公室。在那兒除她之外還有川普的打手律師Michael Cohen、焦慮不安的政治顧問Sam Nunberg、川普心腹知己Roger Stone。電話擴音器的那邊是 科裡·萊萬多夫斯基在講話，一位海克斯不清楚川普出於什麼目的僱傭他的政治熟練能手。
To the assembled， Trump said simply： We‘re going to Iowa。 Hicks must have known that that meant jumping into a media circus that might change her life， though she wondered only one thing， half in jest： What do people wear in Iowa？ Soon she was at the Iowa Freedom Summit， fielding media requests and improvising in the role of real-deal political press secretary。
對在場的人，川普說得很簡單：我們將啟程去艾奧瓦州。海克斯一定意識到了此舉意味著跳進了媒 體馬戲團中，那也許會改變她的生活軌跡，儘管她只對一件事感到好奇，半開玩笑的說：在艾奧瓦 需要穿什麼衣服呢？很快她就出現在了艾奧瓦自由峰會上，答覆媒體請求並即興扮演貨真價實的政 治新聞秘書的角色。
Within the tight， alpha-male circle of hired guns， Nunberg could sense her unease。 A tall， heavyset man with slicked-back hair， Nunberg gifted Hicks a book， Running for Office。 He nicknamed his new friend “Hopesicle” and quickly developed a fondness for her。 “She was very cute， because she was very anxious at first about all of this，” he told me as he sipped a Thai iced tea at a restaurant on the Upper East Side。 “I joked with her once， like， ‘You’re like my Peggy， like I‘m Don Draper。’ ”
在這個由受僱的專家們組成的嚴密強勢的男性圈子裡，Nunberg能感覺到她的不安。Nunberg， 這位身材高大、體格魁偉梳著後背頭髮型的男子，給海克斯贈送了一本書：《競選公職》。他暱稱 他的新朋友為“霍普希克”，還迅速的對她產生了喜愛。“她非常可愛，因為一開始關於這一切她 顯得非常焦慮不安，“他在一家位於上東區的餐廳呷者一口泰國冰茶時對我說。“我跟她開過一次 玩笑，類似這樣，‘你就像我的Peggy，我就像Don Draper。’”（注：Peggy與Don Draper均 出自美劇《Mad Men》）
In reality， there was plenty of competition for the role of bizarro Don Draper in the Trump gang。 Michael Cohen—a consigliere of The Donald’s for a decade， with a near-parody Long Island accent—told me he didn‘t know what to make of the novice Hicks。 When he answered my call， he was in the midst of yelling at someone else on his other phone （showing a dexterity with the phone Trump would have appreciated， I’m sure）。 He described Hicks to me as a “sensitive person” who “takes things personally” when it comes to the coverage of her boss。
在現實中，在川普圈子內有大量競爭類似怪異Don Draper角色的人。Michael Cohen—川普長達 十年的參謀，用一種近似拙劣模仿長島口音—告訴我他不知道怎樣對新手海克斯才好。當他接起我 的電話時，他正拿著他的另一部手機對著電話裡的人大喊大叫（這種靈活自如使用手機的方式，我 敢肯定川普會對此感激不已）。他向我描述海克斯是一個“敏感的人”，當涉及到她老闆新聞報道 時，她會“親自過問”。
Hicks wasn‘t expecting to be the press secretary for long。 Trips to key primary states came and went with nobody taking her place， though。 Just ahead of Trump’s formal announcement in June， Hicks‘s ambivalence about her position created drama fit for an episode of The Apprentice。 Lewandowski， a short man with a shorter fuse who looks like a cross between Frank Sinatra’s mug shot and Voldemort， would play a starring role。
海克斯並沒有期待長期擔任新聞秘書一職，儘管在來來回回關鍵的主要的州際旅行中無人能取代她 的位置。就在川普六月份的正式宣告之前，海克斯關於她的職位猶豫不決的心理很有戲劇性，適合 拍一集《學徒》。萊萬多夫斯基，，一個矮個子更易發怒的男子，長得就像把Frank Sinatra的面部 移植到伏地魔臉上，將扮演主演的角色。
A 42-year-old operative who‘d worked for the Tea Party group Americans for Prosperity， Lewandowski was now the campaign manager。 Hicks was told she couldn’t work for both the political and corporate branches of the Trump team。 She had to choose： Join the campaign or go back to the kids‘ floor of Trump Tower。 Hicks， who hates to disappoint， nonetheless told Lewandowski he’d have to find a new press secretary， which apparently set him off。 “He made her cry a bunch of times，” Nunberg said。 In Nunberg‘s telling， Lewandowski said to Hicks， “You made a big fucking mistake； you’re fucking dead to me。” Lewandowski declined to either confirm or correct Nunberg‘s recollection。 “I don’t recall the specifics of that，” he told me。 “I can say definitively that I don‘t recall the specific incident that you’re referring to。”
背後就是萊萬多夫斯基
萊萬多夫斯基這位42歲的能手曾為追求美國繁榮的茶黨組織工作，現在是川普競選經理。海克斯 被告知她不能既為川普團隊的政治部門工作又為公司支部工作。她必須從中做出選擇：是加入競選 團隊還是回到川普大廈裡的小孩樂園。海克斯討厭令人失望，但她還是告訴萊萬多夫斯基他必須得 找一位新的新聞秘書了，這顯然讓他怒火中燒起來。“他訓哭了她好幾次，” Nunberg說道。用 Nunberg的話講，萊萬多夫斯基對海克斯如此說道：“你犯了一個該死的大錯誤；你他媽的一無 是處。” 萊萬多夫斯基拒絕對Nunberg的記憶做出確認或更正的回覆。“我現在記不得當時的細 節了，”他告訴我。“我可以肯定地說，我不記得你提到的那個具體事件。”
Hicks reconsidered when Trump told her to stay。 As she traveled with him and a tiny band of staffers around the country， things with Lewandowski eventually mended。 Meanwhile， Lewandowski was consolidating power。 Racist Facebook posts Nunberg had made beginning in 2007 surfaced and prompted his firing。 （He trashed everyone from Al Sharpton to Marxist Muslims to Louis Farrakhan。） Nunberg believes it was Hicks and Lewandowski who petitioned Trump for his ouster and drafted a brutal statement that characterized him as a “low-level part-time consultant。”
當川普告訴海克斯要他留下來時，她重新考慮過。隨著她和萊萬多夫斯基與一小隊工作人員一起在 全國各地到處競選，兩人之間的不愉快最終彌合起來了。與此同時，萊萬多夫斯基的權力正得到加 固。Nunberg於2007年開始在Facebook上發表的種族歧視內容慢慢浮出水面，最終導致他被解 僱。（從Al Sharpton到馬克思主義者再到 穆斯林最後到Louis Farrakhan，他都抨擊過。） Nunberg相信是海克斯與萊萬多夫斯基向川普請求罷免他，也是他們起草了一份無情的宣告，該 宣告將他描述為“低階業餘政治顧問”。
Nunberg still seemed wounded eight months later， when we met。 “Of course she ratfucked me， which makes me proud，” he told me。 Nunberg maintains no feelings of warmth for Lewandowski。 “I literally will suck the fucking blood out of his skull by the time I‘m done with him，” he said like a screwball gangster。 Not long after Nunberg’s firing， his mentor， Stone， left。 （Stone says he quit， but the campaign claims he was fired。） The circle was getting smaller， and Hicks， the only staffer without a bald spot or a tough-guy lilt， had apparently learned how to hang on。
此事過去八個月後，當我倆會面時，Nunberg依然看上去很受傷。“當然她對我使用了骯髒的伎 倆，這點讓我很自豪，”她告訴我。Nunberg 對萊萬多夫斯基沒有友善的感覺。“到我與他沒有 瓜葛的時候，我真的會將血從他的腦袋瓜中吸出來。” 他聽起來就像神經質黑幫混混一樣。 Nunberg被解僱後不久，他的導師Stone離開了團隊。（Stone說是他主動退出，但是競選團隊聲 稱是他被解僱了。）這個圈子變得更小了，海克斯，這位唯一的沒有禿頂沒有硬漢輕快的語調的競 選團隊成員，顯然已經學會了如何堅持下去。
Trump‘s campaign headquarters in Trump Tower occupy an old fifth-floor production studio for The Apprentice。 The walls are plywood， decorated by lawn signs and cutouts of Trump。 For warmth there’s a space heater。 Befitting its TV past， the place feels quite literally like the backstage workroom from which the whole Trump Show is produced。
川普競選總部在川普大廈佔用了一間位於第五層樓的以前《學徒》節目製作工作室。四周牆壁由膠 合板製成，用草地標誌與川普的紙板模型作裝飾。有一臺空間加熱器可以取暖。這個地方適合於電 視節目的過去，感覺確實就像製作過整個川普電視節目的後臺工作室。
Getting the most out of the star requires keeping him informed。 While Trump nurses an obvious addiction to cable news， the reading that‘s put in front of him is largely confined to a topic he already knows well。 Every morning， staffers print out 30 to 50 Google News results for “Donald J。 Trump。” He then goes at the sheaf with a marker， making circles and arrows and annotating things he likes or doesn’t like。 The defaced article gets scanned and e-mailed to the journalist or the person quoted who has drawn Trump‘s attention， under the subject line “From the office of Donald J。 Trump。”
要想從媒體焦點中獲取最大效益需要川普時刻保持訊息靈通。雖然川普過於沉迷於有線新聞，放在 他面前的讀物大部分侷限於他已經熟知的話題。每天早上，工作人員打印出來30至50條關於“唐 納德·約翰·川普”的谷歌新聞搜尋結果。然後他著手閱讀帶有標記的一沓檔案，在上面畫著圓圈與 箭頭，並註釋他喜歡或不喜歡的內容。工作人員隨後以“來自唐納德·約翰·川普辦公室”的主題行 名義，將被亂塗亂畫的文章掃描一遍並用電子郵件發給新聞記者或者引起川普注意的引用的人。
As for what arrives in Hicks’s in-box， a typical day brings upwards of 250 media requests。 Usually， she alone decides who gets in and who‘s kept out。 But sometimes it’s Trump who plays bouncer for his own private party。 “She sees the tantrums， and there are tantrums，” a source who‘s been with Trump and Hicks told me。 “He reads something he doesn’t like by a reporter， and it‘s like， ‘This motherfucker！ All right， fine。 Hope？’ He circles it。 ‘This guy’s banned！ He‘s banned for a while。’ That’s exactly how it works。” Hicks plays parole officer to an extensive and expanding blacklist of outlets and reporters （your correspondent once included） no longer welcome at his events。
至於海克斯收件箱，典型的一天會塞滿250多個媒體請求信。通常，她獨自一人決定允許誰禁止誰 採訪。但是有時候川普會扮演他自己私人派對的門衛。“她看見他發過脾氣，還很多次，”與川普 和海克斯都有接觸的匿名人士告訴我。“他讀著一位記者寫得他不喜歡的文章，就像這樣，‘他媽 的混蛋！好吧，好。霍普？他畫了個圈。’‘這傢伙被禁止了！禁止一段時間。’確切地說就這麼 一回事。”對一份全面的不斷擴大的針對媒體渠道與在川普競選活動中不再受歡迎的新聞記者（你 的通訊專員曾經也被包括在內）的黑名單來說，海克斯扮演著假釋官的角色。
While Hicks is often eager to please， she doesn‘t mind upsetting the media and harbors no reverence for the civic duties of a free press。 When reporters send her questions， she’s often irked—convinced they‘re playing detective merely to irritate the campaign。 She’s seemingly unaware that they might just be vetting a potential United States president。 Often she doesn‘t respond。
雖然海克斯經常熱心於取悅他人，但她並不介意讓媒體心煩意亂，並且不尊重自由新聞的公民義 務。當記者們向她提問時，她常常感到很惱火—深信不疑他們在玩著偵探的遊戲僅僅只是為了激怒 競選團隊。她似乎沒有意識到他們可能只是在審查一位潛在的未來美國總統。通常她並不作出回 應。
None of this has earned her many enemies， however。 Like Ivanka， Hicks has managed to float above it all。 For now。 “I have always found Hope to be great to deal with，” Maggie Haberman of The New York Times told me， “especially given the volume of requests she must be getting。”
然而，這一切並沒有為她樹立許多敵人。像伊萬卡一樣，海克斯在傳播領域異乎尋常地成功，就目 前而言。“我一直都覺得霍普在待人接物方面處理得很棒，”《紐約時報》的Maggie Haberman 告訴我說，“特別是在處理她肯定得到的大量請求上”
The demands of her schedule led to a breakup with her boyfriend of six years。 And while she technically still lives in Greenwich—with her sister， Mary Grace—when she’s not traveling on Trump Force One， Hicks stays in New York， in a Trump apartment provided by the campaign。
她工作計劃安排的需求導致了她與交往六年的男友分手。雖然嚴格意義上來說她依然住在格林威治 鎮—和她的姐姐Mary Grace一起—當她不在做川普私人飛機到處競選的時候，海克斯呆在紐約， 在競選團隊提供的一套川普公寓裡住了下來。
Getting cocooned in Trumpville can test one‘s psyche or dent one’s reputation。 Maybe even put one on a self-destructive streak。 In May， Hicks， thinking she was e-mailing Trump strategy notes to a campaign staffer， sent them instead to a reporter。 Days earlier， she‘d landed in the New York Post after she was spotted on East 61st Street， screaming at Lewandowski。 The spectacle was dismissed as an interoffice dispute。 Though if that’s to be believed， the emotional scene， as described to me by people who saw it—Hicks‘s fists balled， her face streaked with tears—makes you wonder what the hell goes on in the Trump War Room。
身處川普城的內部能夠測試一個人的心靈又或者損壞一個人的名譽。也許甚至能讓一個人處於自我 毀滅的邊緣。五月的一天，海克斯認為她把川普戰略筆記用電子郵件發給了一位競選成員那裡，事 實上她反而發給了一位記者。幾天前，她抵達《紐約郵報》辦公場所，接著她在東61街道被人認 出來時正朝著萊萬多夫斯基尖叫。這個場面被當作員工內部之間的爭論而不予理會。就算這些應該 是可信的，情緒化的現場，一如親眼所見的人向我描述的一樣—海克斯雙手握拳，她的臉上有一道 道淚痕—讓你不經好奇川普作戰室裡究竟發生了什麼。
Outside the campaign， Hicks’s colleagues gossip about whether she‘ll regret her heady first brush with politics。 “She made a choice to work for the most fascist candidate in recent American history，” one political spokesperson told me。 “Everyone who knows her tells her to stop doing this and putting her name on stuff。… She is going to regret everything she’s said and done。 And I don‘t think she knows it yet。”
在競選圈子外面，海克斯的同事閒話她將來是否會後悔她頭腦發熱的首次捲入政治衝突中。“她選 擇了為美國近代史以來最法西斯的候選人工作，”一位政治發言人告訴我。“每個認識她的人都告 訴她別再為川普幹活，奉勸她遠離這個圈子……她將會後悔她所說的所做的一切。我並不認為她已 經認識到了這一點。”
Hawking golf resorts one day， Mexican-border walls the next， could Hicks have guessed what her job would become？ The gig she signed up for called simply for the ceaseless execution of one man’s whims。 And she did it with such aplomb that maybe she didn‘t notice that while the directive never changed， the stakes sure had。
昨天推銷高爾夫度假屋，明天是美墨邊境牆，海克斯猜過明天工作會是什麼樣嗎？她簽署的這份工 作只不過要求不斷的執行某人突發的奇想。她如此鎮定自若地幹著這份工作，以至於她也許沒有注 意到：雖然指令從不改變，但風險會變。
When I sat with Trump in his office—a few days before he locked up the nomination—I asked him if she would someday serve in a Trump administration。 “Oh， yeah， sure，” he said， deciding on Hicks’s future while she smiled silently and helplessly beside me。 “In either capacity， either there， or she‘ll stay here， but， uh，” he said， “I think she wants to go there。”
當我與川普在他的辦公室坐著交談的時候—在他鎖定共和黨總統提名的前幾天—我問他海克斯是 否有一天會在川普政府任職。“哦， 是的， 當然會，” 他說，決定著海克斯的未來，與此同時，她在 我身邊默默地無助地微笑。“無論哪種能力（指海克斯公司與政治方面的公關才能），要麼去那裡， 要麼呆在這裡，但是，嗯，”他說，“我想她想去那裡。”
故事的完整結局 海克斯一直為川普競選團隊工作到大選勝利那一天，隨後擔任過度團隊發言人，於2016年12月22 日被川普任命為 Adviser/Director of Strategic Communications顧問/戰略通訊主管
